Political Consolidation and the Hun Sen Era
In July 1998, Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party won national elections amid allegations of irregularities, forming a coalition government with FUNCINPEC. By the end of that year, Hun Sen had become sole prime minister, a position he would hold for the next quarter-century. His tenure saw Cambodia achieve relative political stability after decades of conflict, though this came alongside increasing restrictions on political opposition and civil liberties.
The 2013 elections marked a significant moment in contemporary Cambodian politics. The opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party, led by Sam Rainsy, won 55 seats in the National Assembly while the CPP's share fell to 68 seats, its worst performance since 1998. Mass protests followed as the opposition alleged fraud and demanded electoral reforms. The strong showing suggested growing public desire for political alternatives.
The government's response was swift. In 2017, authorities arrested CNRP leader Kem Sokha on treason charges that critics characterized as politically motivated. That November, Cambodia's Supreme Court dissolved the CNRP entirely. In the 2018 elections, with no major opposition party permitted to participate, the CPP won 120 of 125 National Assembly seats. International observers and human rights organizations raised concerns about the fairness of these elections and the broader trajectory of Cambodia's democratic institutions.
In August 2023, after nearly four decades in power, Hun Sen stepped down as prime minister and was succeeded by his son, Hun Manet. The younger Hun, 45 years old at the time, had been educated at the United States Military Academy at West Point and earned graduate degrees in economics from New York University and Britain's Bristol University. He had served in various military and political roles before his appointment. Hun Sen announced he would remain active in politics "at least until 2033" as president of the Senate and leader of the CPP, raising questions about how much the succession would change Cambodia's political direction.
Seeking Justice: The Khmer Rouge Tribunal
One of the most significant developments of this period was Cambodia's effort to address crimes committed during the 1975-1979 Khmer Rouge regime. In 2001, the Cambodian government passed legislation establishing a tribunal, and after years of negotiations between Cambodia and the United Nations, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia became fully operational in June 2007.
The ECCC was a hybrid tribunal combining Cambodian and international judges and lawyers. Its mandate was to prosecute senior leaders and those most responsible for crimes committed during the Democratic Kampuchea period. The court represented the first tribunal of its kind established within an ASEAN member country.
The tribunal's first case focused on Kaing Guek Eav, known as Duch, who had overseen the S-21 interrogation center where more than 12,000 people were tortured and executed. In 2010, Duch was sentenced to prison; his sentence was later increased to life imprisonment. Case 002 addressed the most senior surviving Khmer Rouge leaders: Nuon Chea (the regime's second-in-command) and Khieu Samphan (the former head of state). In August 2014, both were sentenced to life in prison for crimes against humanity. The ECCC's final judgment came on September 22, 2022, when the appeals chamber upheld Khieu Samphan's conviction for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.
What made the ECCC particularly significant was its emphasis on victim participation. In Case 002, 3,867 civil parties were admitted to the proceedings — survivors who could participate in the trial and seek collective and moral reparations rather than financial compensation. The court ordered numerous reparation projects: a National Day of Remembrance to honor victims and survivors, permanent memorial exhibitions in provincial museums, mobile exhibitions that traveled to communities, educational programs training teachers about Khmer Rouge history, and testimonial therapy groups for survivors. Many civil parties attended the final hearing in 2022, though tragically, more than 300 participants had died before the verdict was delivered.
The tribunal faced significant challenges, including limited funding, questions about its scope (it could only prosecute senior leaders, not lower-level perpetrators), and the lengthy time required to complete cases. Nevertheless, the ECCC established an important precedent for accountability and created a substantial historical record of the Khmer Rouge period through thousands of pages of testimony and documentation.
Economic Transformation and Persistent Challenges
Cambodia's economy experienced remarkable transformation during this period. From the 1990s through 2020, the country sustained average annual GDP growth of approximately seven percent, one of the highest rates in the region. Poverty declined dramatically, from around 40 percent in the early 2000s to 14.2 percent by 2022, representing real improvements in living standards for millions of Cambodians.
International trade played a central role in this growth. The United States became Cambodia's largest single-country export destination, accounting for approximately 38 percent of total exports in 2024, primarily in garments, footwear, and travel goods. Cambodia joined ASEAN and participated in regional trade agreements including the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership.
Chinese investment became increasingly dominant in Cambodia's economy. By 2020, China held 44 percent of Cambodia's foreign debt and was the largest source of foreign direct investment. This shift reflected both Cambodia's desire to diversify its international partnerships and China's expanding regional influence.
However, rapid economic growth brought significant challenges. Over half of Cambodia's arable land was granted as Economic Land Concessions to local and foreign companies, leading to widespread displacement of rural communities and conflicts over land rights. Corruption remained pervasive; international assessments consistently ranked Cambodia among the world's most corrupt countries. The number of honorary business tycoons — individuals granted the title of oknha in recognition of their loyalty to the CPP — surged from around 20 in 2004 to more than 700 by 2014, illustrating the close ties between political power and economic patronage.
In recent years, concerns have emerged about large-scale human trafficking operations related to online scam compounds. International investigations documented that an estimated 100,000 or more foreign nationals were held in facilities across Cambodia and forced to participate in fraudulent schemes targeting victims worldwide, with reports suggesting some government officials were complicit in these operations.
Cultural Revival and Preservation
While Cambodia faced political and economic challenges, a quieter but profoundly important transformation was taking place in the cultural sphere. When the Khmer Rouge regime fell in 1979, Cambodia had lost approximately 90 percent of its traditional artists. Master musicians, dancers, puppeteers, and other practitioners of traditional arts had either perished during the regime or survived in poverty, unable to pass on their knowledge to a new generation. Art forms that had been transmitted between generations for centuries were on the verge of disappearing entirely.
In 1998, Arn Chorn-Pond founded Cambodian Living Arts with a mission to prevent this cultural catastrophe. Arn himself was a survivor of the Khmer Rouge regime who had been forced as a child to play propaganda music. After escaping to Thailand and eventually being adopted and moving to the United States, he became the first Cambodian child soldier to speak publicly about the genocide, delivering a speech to 10,000 people at the Cathedral of St. John the Divine in New York in 1984. Years later, when he returned to Cambodia searching for traces of his family's artistic legacy, he found surviving master artists living in extreme poverty.
CLA began with just five students learning from Cambodia's remaining master artists. Over the following years, the organization supported these masters in passing their knowledge to more than 300 students across various traditional art forms, including classical dance, traditional music, shadow puppetry, and folk performance. The program represented a race against time, as many master artists were elderly and their knowledge would be lost forever when they passed away.
Another program, The Khmer Magic Music Bus, extends this work to rural communities. Co-founded by Arn and Cambodian musician Thorn Seyma in 2013, The Bus brings master musicians to villages across Cambodia where many people have never heard live traditional music. The program emerged from a spontaneous roadside performance where villagers — children first, then adults — came out to hear Master Mon Hai play the khene, experiencing their cultural heritage for the first time. Since 2013, The Bus has traveled more than 60,000 kilometers across every province.
By the 2010s, CLA's mission evolved. Having helped stabilize the most endangered art forms, the organization shifted toward nurturing a new generation of young artists through scholarships, fellowships, and regular performance platforms that provided fair-paying work. Since 2017, CLA has provided small grants, creative skills workshops, and support for new works across all art forms, helping to build a sustainable ecosystem for Cambodia's arts sector.
This cultural revival connected contemporary Cambodia back to its deep artistic heritage, from the classical traditions of the Angkor period through the cultural renaissance under Prince Sihanouk in the 1950s and 1960s. Organizations like CLA demonstrated that Cambodia's identity extended far beyond the trauma of the 1970s, encompassing centuries of artistic achievement that continues to inspire and define the nation.
Civil Society, Youth, and Looking Forward
Despite political restrictions, Cambodian civil society has shown remarkable persistence. Organizations like the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC) continued to investigate and document human rights violations, land rights abuses, and gender-based violence, providing legal assistance to victims and advocating for systemic change. Journalists continued reporting despite harassment and legal pressures, with 59 journalists experiencing threats or legal action in 2023 alone according to monitoring organizations.
Young Cambodians, born after the conflicts of the 1970s and 1980s, increasingly represent the majority of the population and are articulating their own vision for the country's future. A 2021 survey of 1,600 Cambodian youth aged 15-30 revealed that their top policy priorities were reducing corruption, increasing employment opportunities, reducing poverty, and improving education quality. Notably, 90 percent had never heard of the government's official development strategies, suggesting a significant gap between official policies and youth awareness.
This generational shift represents both a challenge and an opportunity. Young Cambodians face concerns about employment, education costs, and economic mobility. Yet they also bring new perspectives shaped by different experiences than their parents' generation. They are digital natives navigating both the benefits and restrictions of online spaces, where social media has become a primary platform for information sharing despite government monitoring and legal risks for critical speech.
Cambodia today stands at a crossroads. The country has achieved significant economic progress and worked to address its traumatic past through mechanisms like the ECCC. Cultural revival efforts have ensured that traditional arts survived the devastation of the 1970s and continue to thrive. Yet Cambodia also grapples with persistent challenges: restrictions on political freedoms, corruption, inequality, and questions about the independence of democratic institutions.
As Hun Manet assumes leadership of a new generation, the fundamental question remains whether Cambodia will move toward greater political openness and institutional accountability or continue along its recent trajectory. What seems certain is that Cambodians themselves — particularly young people, civil society activists, and cultural practitioners — will continue working to shape their country's future, building on both the remarkable resilience demonstrated over recent decades and the long, rich history that preceded the modern era's conflicts.